In its manifesto, the Congress has promised to raise the prices of forest produce, to implement the Forest Rights Act 2006 and the Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation Act (LARR) 2013.
After
15 years of repression, misrule and loot of Chhattisgarh’s
natural resources, the defeat of Raman Singh’s BJP government
offers a historic opportunity for the state. In voting so decisively
for the Congress, the people have not just unseated an incumbent, but
signalled the kind of change they want.
Some
of these aspirations are presaged in the Congress’s manifesto,
prepared, we are told, after extensive consultations with different
sections of society.Apart from the farm loan waiver, increased
minimum support prices and unemployment allowance, an emphasis on
quality healthcare and education seem to be priorities for people,
and the Congress would be wise to treat these as its priorities too.
But
where the Congress has the chance to be really transformative is in
how it addresses the Naxalite conflict. This is Rahul Gandhi’s
litmus test to show if he and his party care about India’s
adivasis.
If
the Congress
initiates talks with the Maoists, as they say in point 22 of their
manifesto, they will have the full support of the people of Bastar.
Far from “teaching Congress a lesson for supporting urban Maoists”,
as Modi repeatedly said on the campaign trail, the people of the
region have given the Congress 11 out of 12 seats. There are
indications in this win – for instance, the fact that they allowed
Congress candidates to campaign in interior villages – that the
Maoists too are ready for some kind of talks. They would be
colossally foolish to give up an opportunity for a negotiated peace.
But
equally important, a foundation must be built for such talks to
succeed, and this can only be built on the basis of justice.
‘Development’ is no substitute for justice; both are rights but
in different spheres and cannot be traded off against each other.
It
is perhaps divine providence that the Delhi high court judgment on
Sajjan Kumar came on the same day as the swearing in of the new
Congress governments. Even though the party failed the test of
justice in Madhya Pradesh by appointing Kamal Nath as chief minister,
it has a chance in Chhattisgarh to redress its own historic wrongs.
Mahendra
Karma, the Congress leader who was the local face of the BJP-backed
Salwa Judum movement is no longer around to haunt the Congress. But
the legacy of entire villages burnt, rape survivors, and children
whose parents were brutally killed under the banner of Salwa Judum
will continue to dog the footsteps of both the Congress and the BJP.
In
a country where violence piles up on violence and every part of the
country is torn and bleeding due to its own history of pogroms and
massacres, it is easy to forget. Let me therefore quote from just one
fact-finding report of December 2007, by Shanta Sinha, then the
chairperson of the National Commission for the Protection of Child
Rights, J.M. Lyngdoh (former CEC) and Venkat Reddy:
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