Protests in Indian cities against the Citizenship Amendment Act and the proposed National Register of Citizens have attracted young people of all faiths and none.
Protests
have broken out across India, a few of them violent, against a new
law that fast-tracks citizenship for non-Muslim migrants from three
majority-Muslim countries. In the northeastern state of Assam, where
migration has long been a major political issue, four protesters were
killed when security forces opened fire. In both the capital of Delhi
and the town of Aligarh, local police stormed university campuses,
beating up and arresting students. It is no coincidence that both the
universities are historically Muslim.
In
response, the government has arbitrarily turned off the internet
across wide swathes of India and many states and cities have
prohibited the gathering of four or more people—including in parts
of Delhi, the software hub of Bengaluru, and the entire state of
Uttar Pradesh, home to 200 million people. Hundreds have been
arbitrarily detained, including some of India’s most prominent
public intellectuals.
The
widespread dissent has surprised nobody. The citizenship
law is dangerous enough on its own terms: It imposes a religious
test, which should in any case be anathema in a secular republic, and
it deliberately excludes neighboring countries with persecuted Muslim
minorities.
But
it shouldn’t be seen in isolation. Officials have also promised a
nationwide register that would require Indians to jump through hoops
to prove their citizenship. Thus the two bills together are what have
caused real concern: Very stringent requirements to verify
citizenship can be imposed, and only Muslims will be required to
fulfill them. The result is a sort of hideous hybrid of Trump’s
“Muslim ban” and Britain’s “hostile environment.”
India
is home to 200 million Muslims, the world’s second-largest national
population. Like India’s other religious minorities, they’ve
always been well integrated into the political system; for decades
they were courted by politicians, and the law carved out special
protections for them. In recent years, that has changed, especially
after the election of Narendra
Modi as prime minister in 2014. Right-wing ideologues declared
gleefully that Modi’s party had “demolished the theory of a
Muslim veto” on who ruled in India.
No comments:
Post a Comment